The Creatives is an Organisation run by Young Visionaries based in Vaal Triangle, that aims to collaborate the creative minds of unemployed graduates from TVET Colleges and Universities across South Africa. We create and develop the society with natural talents, we aim to develop the implementation of new ideas to create job opportunities and change South Africa at large, we have partnered with public schools and also would like to work with African designers across the country to run a project namely Tlhaho Ya Mo – afrika as we are also supporting our unrecognised designers in the country.
Our focus is on the educational institutions, on African History / Heritage, Cultures, Traditions, Fashion, Tourism, Sports fields, and in many social institutions cross-cultural diversity is currently a common occurrence and often diverse values and behaviour bears a potential for conflict. South African learners, staff, and management within social institutions often overlook the fact that conflicts arise from ignorance about other cultures, and are a result of ethnocentric attitudes and behaviours. These conflicts often present manifestations of racial prejudices which are dormant in every individual who has been conditioned to respond positively or negatively to other people.
Purpose of Tlhaho ya Moafrika
To become a leader in Africa in the advocacy and promotion of African Heritage, African Literature, Acculturation, Tourism, Ethnology and Folkloristics by 2030.
Tlhaho Ya Mo – Afrika`s mission is to organise and run an annual national calendar heritage festival that aims to educate learners about African History and the beauty of Africa, teaching them more about our heritage and where we come from as Africans. It is very important that learners have knowledge about African History before colonization and our historical sites of our beautiful continent Africa; this will enable us to build a bright future for our young generation, making sure that we build African leaders that can give our African content growth and push the African philosophy to the better.
INDIGENOUS GAMES AS SOCIAL CONSTRUCT
The existence of certain types of play behaviour in a given society is understood to depend on various biological, psychological and cultural antecedents. The study of play became the subject of serious scholarly investigation during the late nineteenth century, beginning with animal studies and moving to investigation of human play. Since these writings, the subject of play (and related phenomena, games, and sport) has taken on an important role in both, anthropology and social psychology, and has been shown to provide valuable insights into the way that culture develops. A conceptual analysis and an explanation of movement phenomena such as play, games, sport, recreation, and leisure. Regardless of the meanings and manifestations thereof within a particular context, components are shared, as well as individualized, meanings do exist and can be utilized for trans-cultural comparisons and theorizing.
An activity may be classified according to the degree of competitiveness, professional preparation, rules, individual liability, the importance of results, institutionalization, the role of history, ritual, and symbols, as well as the physical and emotional commitment of players and/or spectators.
Extra Mural Activities & Indigenous Games
In Kwazulu Natal Indigenous Games were, however, selected for curriculum development purposes according to the criteria of the nature (indigenous content and structure), popularity, and potential for cross-field educational outcomes. Appropriate strategies were offered for teaching, learning and pedagogy. These thirteen selected indigenous Zulu games may meaningfully contribute to the physical education curriculum for promoting ethnic understanding, reinforcing social skills, and providing an opportunity to use fundamental motor skills and movement concepts in dynamic settings in the multicultural classroom in the South African context.
It is recommended that these indigenous games should hence be introduced to all learners in the multicultural classrooms of all South African schools, providing that sufficient time will be allocated and subject specialists will be appointed for teaching physical education. Furthermore it is recommended that research should be conducted on the indigenous games of all other ethnic groups, throughout South Africa to be included in a comprehensive physical education curriculum.
The Spartakiad movement in the Soviet Union was a programme whose aim was to arouse enthusiasm for sport among young people and to make them realise (as early as possible) that games and organised sport is a source of pleasure, recreation, relaxation and to improve physical health. The first Spartakiad was held in August 1928 in Moskow. Such a programme was emphasised to help children develop, through regular physical exercise, those abilities and skills that facilitate them coping with their tasks at school, training or work, as well as socialization. Recently on home ground, the South African Sports Commission embarked on promoting indigenous games in South Africa and as a co-initiative of the South African Sports Commission and Sport and Recreation South Africa, the National Mass Participation Project (Siyadlala) was launched.
Race and gender-appropriate sport and physical activity in South African schools provided segregated participation during the apartheid era (1948 – 1994). For many years, in various Afrikaans medium schools, school sports mainly consisted of rugby, tennis, and athletics for boys and in most schools, girls could participate in athletics, netball, and hockey. English medium schools, however, often offered rugby, soccer, athletics, hockey, and swimming for boys and hockey, as well as netball and swimming for the girls. Informal soccer and netball were the only codes in schools for Black and Coloured learners for a long period of time. During the apartheid era before 1994, the school curriculum perpetuated race, class, gender, and ethnic divisions and emphasised separateness, rather than common citizenship and nation-building. Duringthatperiodphysicaleducationwascompulsoryandwasofferedto all learners in all grades (from 6 to 18 years of age) in most of the previously ‘all white’ schools in South Africa.
Since 1984, physical education, games, and sport have increasingly played a prominent role in the education curriculum of South African schools. Despite the recognition of the educational value of physical education, it was not taught in all schools. Health, fitness, and the promotion of nationalism were some of the main foci of school sport. Afrikaans medium schools predominantly used rugby for this purpose. In the post-1994 dispensation, the importance of including indigenous content for cross-cultural interaction, integration, and nation-building became a priority. Italsoservedthepurposeofofferingaccessiblematerial and opportunities for empowerment, rectifying the gap that was created by the decline of physical education and the lack of resources in the black, coloured, and Indian schools.
A lack of resources, qualified physical educators or movement specialists and coaches especially in the remote areas, still prevail. Since the inception of outcomes-based education, physical education has disappeared in the majority of government schools. The limited-time for teaching physical education due to the inclusion thereof as part of the Life Orientation learning area is problematic. The Ministers of Education and Sport and Recreation as well as the Minister of Health have expressed their concern regarding the statusofhealthoftheSouthAfricanyouthcontentoftheschoolcurriculum. Extramural activities and Indigenous games, however, could be used as a heuristic tool in addressing these concerns.
We believe that every disaster brings opportunities and we need to create job and business opportunities through Asset Based System as it was done during the time before Africa was colonised. This is an opportune time for all of us to look back at our African Civilization, Farming, Maths & Science history during the Morena Moshoeshoe Kingdom, Difaqane Wars, Mapungubwe Kingdom, The great Zimbabwe Kingdom, The Emperor MansaMunsa, TheMoors, the architectonical and engineering construction of The Great Benin City and the Egyptian Pyramids.
Our plan is to establish youth-run and managed African Literature libraries and book shops in each and every Tribal Authority and cultural village around South Africa, the SADC region, all African counties, and in the diaspora.
The aim of Tlhaho Ya Mo -Africa programme is to teach children our Cultural, Language, Social and Political similarities as different tribes across the African countries, especially among Basotho ( Bataung, Bakoena, Bafokeng, Barolong) in South Africa, including Zambia, Malawi, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, and Botswana.
Bantus across Africa belong to one to find out whether the Sotho are one people. The thesis concludes that despite the Sotho calling themselves Basotho (Southern Sotho), Bapedi, and Batswana, they emanate from the same origin. The Sotho groups show that they have the same origin by their same culture, and social and political systems.
Southern Sotho has lineages such as the Bafokeng, Batlokwa, Bataung, Bakuena, Makgwakgwa, Makgolokoe, Basia, and others. The ‘Western Sotho’ (Sotho in Western Transvaal) meaning Batswana have lineages such as Bahlaping, Bakuena, Bahurutse, Barolong, Batlharo, Bakubung, Bamangwato, Batawana and Bangwaketse. The Taung village amongst the Batswana in the North West is also named after the Bataung lineage, indicating their presence amongst the Batswana.
The thesis concludes that the Sotho have the same origin and their cultural dimension is similar. This chapter discusses cultural representations of the Sotho groups, i.e. how they see themselves and how others see them in terms of language and the name “Basotho”. The thesis finds that the strongest point of the cultural dimension is language. The thesis discusses its findings that the Sotho languages are dialects not different languages, indicating a similar origin (see below). Two or more people from different regions in a territory with a varied language can communicate with each other and understand two or more dialects.
The thesis found that the Sotho share a similar collective of words, however, they do not choose to use them the same way. One group decides to promote a particular word as opposed to its synonyms that might be used daily by other groups, to the extent that counterpart words used by other groups appear archaic, as this group seldom uses them. This context renders language as a marker of a social category, as the Sotho languages have a common source of collective words. All Sotho words become manifested across the varieties of Sotho, e.g. Batswana and Bapedi use setlhare for a tree, while Basotho (Southern Sotho) use sefate. However, the word setlhare in Sesotho refers to a shrub that can be used for medical purposes. Another example is tsamaya in Sesotho, as it varies with sepela in Sepedi. Sepela is left in Sesotho as lekakanyethedi la monna mosepedi in Sesotho. There is a variation of pronunciation with the same word amongst the three groups, e.g. Tshela is pronounced variably among the Batswana, Basotho (Southern Sotho) and Bapedi. The conclusion from the above examples is that the decisions to change perspectives within a society on an issue do not make its members different but provides different versions of their origin.
New environments make the people discard some everyday words and adopt new ones, as they spread. The new words are formed observing the original Sotho rules of grammar; the addition of new Sotho words improves the language and makes the Sotho group feel comfortable by owning the new environment and concepts. As a result, the variation develops. The new collective of Sotho might meet and stay with new people and their language might influence the Sotho language, e.g. the Basotho (Southern Sotho) meeting with the Xhosas and Zulus. The Sesotho language ended up with additional vocabulary, e.g. maqaqailana (ankles) and qetella, which have a click sound that the Sotho did not have previously.
Another alternative to the collective Sotho mtsh is the form of nxa! However, these new words have maintained how Sotho words are formed in terms of how sounds have to follow each other. This process has allowed the new Sotho words to be accepted in the Sotho language as words that can be used in Sotho sentences. This shows that the Sotho, with examples of Sepedi, Setswana and Sesotho, are from the same origin, as they share a collective of words and rules of the Sotho language, which is a process called langue. One can infer the same langue in Sesotho, Setswana and Sepedi, which shows a common origin due to mutual intelligibility.
The thesis found that the Sotho languages orthography is varied. The same sounds are represented in different alphabet compilation. It was not intentional to differentiate between the similar languages of Sotho. The development of Sotho orthography lacked the appropriate expertise of harmonising the languages. The missionaries developed an orthography by approximating it to their respective nationalities’ languages within the jurisdiction of Basotho (Southern Sotho), Batswana and Bapedi respectively. When the Basotho (Southern Sotho) further improved on their orthography, the Basotho (Southern Sotho) in Lesotho preferred to remain with the old orthography, while the South African Basotho (Southern Sotho) adopted the new one. This increased the number of available orthography variations amongst the Sotho.
Although there are many varieties of the Sotho language representing the different collectives of the Sotho lineages and clans that were formed from the Bafokeng and Barolong early lineages, the missionaries only formed an orthography for the three varieties that were sovereign amongst the three groups of Sotho, hence another variety for written and unwritten Sotho varieties. The group to be used in the running of daily activities by the lineages, who owe allegiance, elevated the varieties that were connected with a political centre of the group governance and cultural practices. Such languages attained the prestigious status of becoming standard Sotho languages in the area. In this case, Sesotho, Sepedi, and Setswana are the prestigious languages related to the centre of governance in the three regions of the Sotho territory.
Furthermore, the Sotho have a similar name, Basotho, to show their same origin. One allusion is that the Sotho got their name, Basotho, from the phrase ba sootho (those that are brown in complexion). The Bafokeng lineage, who have a light complexion, met the dark-complexioned Bahurutse. Their protégée became the brown complexion clans. However, there is an argument that their name is derived from the way they dress. The Swazis, of Nguni stock, noticed the way the Sotho people dress and upon meeting the Bapedi, who were their neighbours, laughed at the way the Sotho fasten a knot while they dress and told them that the people of he Highveld are Abeshuntu (those who fasten the knot). The people of the Highveld agreed that this is their style of dressing.
The Sotho also have the same origin as the three Sotho groups due to their social practices. The most central practice is the initiation school, which largely remains in its original form across the three Sotho groups. There is the same similarity regarding the ethos in marriage, raising children, and the handling of death amongst the Sotho. Their similar oral literature and folklore, e.g. folktales, riddles, and proverbs, reflect how the Sotho deal with the four stages of life and show that the Sotho experiences are similar.
The ecocritics theory states that the literature of people in their society enables them to learn from their environment and that this helps them to understand their practices. This thesis added another dimension in that a Sotho society uses oral folklore to help solve their problems, e.g. the Sotho folktale Tselane, which has a similar narrative across the three Sotho groups, demonstrates Sotho values, norms, and customs. However, the Bapedi changed the name of the character Dimo to Makgema (the name of their local cannibal) to make the folktale easily understood by the children, and the tale becomes Tselane le Makgema. Thus, the same folktale has a varied title among the Sotho.
Cultural definition of the Sotho groups
Different scholars have defined the cultural similarity of Sotho groups. The thrust of their argument is that the Sotho groups share a similar language in that they choose similar words at random from the same corpus to express the same idea. Their language becomes their cultural representation. Similar actions and co-ownership of practices make them develop one language.
Amongst scholars that discuss the cultural similarity of the Sotho, there are definite ways and linkages or similarities in which Sotho proverbs discuss the oneness of the Sotho, e.g.:
Southern Sotho: Bitso-lebe ke seromo (A bad name is an omen)
Setswana: Ina -lebe seromo (A bad name is an omen)
Southern Sotho: Kgomo ya lebese ha e itswale (A good milker does not beget itself)
Setswana: Ena-maši ga e itsale (A good milker does not beget itself)
Sesotho proverbs are similar to those of Setswana regarding grammar, sentence structure, and presentation of similar concepts. A similar situation occurs with the Sepedi. The following are examples of Sepedi and Sesotho proverbs that are similar:
Southern Sotho: Thamahane ha di robale mmoho (Two of a trade seldom agree)
Northen Sotho: Bahlale babedi ha ba fohlelane peba (Two of a trade seldom agree)
[Setswana: Dipooga di ke di tlhakanela lesaka le le lengwe (Two of a trade seldom agree)]
Southern Sotho: Ho lwana badula-mmoho. (Those who stay together often quarrel)
Northern Sotho: Kgomo ho hlabana tsa saka le tee. (Those who stay together often quarrel)
The thesis adds the Setswana proverb similarity of the Sotho language concepts in the above examples. This thesis considers view and further discusses that the words are similar amongst the three variations of the Sotho language, although each Sotho language might prefer to use particular words compared to others while constructing a similar oral text, as in the case of the proverbs above. The sharing of words shows that the Sotho were together and when they had a need to talk about particular concepts in their social world, they developed a set of words for this purpose. Shared vocabulary influences how people perceive the world. The thesis adds that people, such as the Sotho groups, share folklore that mirrors their similar experiences or practices.
Sesotho proverbs use a vocabulary and unusual form of grammar that are seldom used in everyday Sesotho, while this kind of grammar and vocabulary is widely used by the Northern Sotho (Sepedi) and Setswana. Similar words that people exchange when referring to a particular concept, a category. The vocabulary inherits a group of similar words in meaning as category labels. The thesis complements that these similar words refer to concepts that the Sotho, as a people, wanted to talk about when they were together. Hence, each group or any Sotho formation is at liberty to select any of the words when presenting their ideas. The thesis explains that the selection of various words meaning the same thing across the groups means that the Sotho collectives who have formed groups can be traced from one origin.
The Sepedi proverb kgomo ho hlabana tsa saka le tee (the cows that lock horns at each other are from one kraal) is similar to the ordinary Sesotho expression, kgomo tse hlabanang di fumanwa ka (le) sakeng le le leng. Therefore, the thesis contends that the Sotho groups share a collection of words. The expression indicating one tee has translated its place in contemporary every day spoken Sesotho from a descriptive adjective found in Sepedi to become an idiophone to! in Sesotho.
While the same concept across the Sotho groups might be presented in various forms across the Sotho respectively, the concept does not become a different concept but is a similar word, idea or concept presented in various ways. This shows that the Sotho have the same origin as is shown by their similar language, which varies according to how the group wants to present it. A similar situation is found with the Sesotho counterpart of the Sepedi proverb ho lwana madula-mmoho (those who stay together fight) “ho loana ba-lula’moho”. Sometimes it is presented in the Mosotho (Southern Sotho) everyday language, “ntoa ke ea malula mmoho” (a fight is for those who stay together).
The thesis adds the view that various presentations of a similar proverb in the same language show that each utterance of a language is not the same although it might be the same sentence, as a proverb is oral in nature. The thesis will show that this situation is similar to that of the two orthographies of Sesotho that indicate variations in the way of writing Sesotho that developed amongst the Basotho (Southern Sotho) of South Africa and those of Lesotho in order to identify their sovereignty while the international boundaries were drawn to separate similar people into two countries. The thesis will add that the boundaries of orthography are discounted by the same language and that the similar situation might have occurred amongst the Bapedi when they developed their own group separate from the Basotho (Southern Sotho).
Sotho groups food preparation
Basotho are known for growing its own food and is generous with food. We bring young farmers who are growing organic food and free-range chickens and livestock, as was done by our great-grandparents.
They mention that dijo ke tshila tsa/ ya meno (food is the dirt of teeth/ do not dare not to give others food). Other proverbs are bitla la kgomo ke molomo (when the cow is dead, it is eaten), the neighbours must take some portions of the meat home. Furthermore Dijo di jewa ka baeti (when there are visitors you have to find a way to provide decent food). It is the tradition amongst the Sotho to offer food to visitors.
When one takes a journey, one is also offered provision.
The Sotho had a particular field called tshimo ya dira (a foes’ field) that was under the chieftaincy’s care. All the villagers took care of it. Those who did not have
it bojalwa without deleting the prefix bo- like the Basotho (Southern Sotho).
food or fields due to poverty or some calamity, would be given food from this field by the governance of the village and the chief. No one was allowed to go hungry amongst the Sotho.
Khaketla’s Mosali eo o ’Neileng Eena writes about the food available amongst the Basotho (Southern Sotho). In the drama, the characters, Tseleng and Thato, tell the folktale about Basotho (Southern Sotho) girls who collect firewood and pick wild vegetables.Tseleng prepares mealie meal on a grinding stone. Nkgono (grandmother) Nthibisi is also preparing sorghum beer (jwala). The Batswana call
The dish is also prepared with qhubu (boiled grains) but is made with maize in the play Mosali eo u ’Neileng Eena. The Basotho (Southern Sotho) make the dish using maize, which the Sotho groups acquired from the Western world, but the majority of the Sotho make the dish with dikgobe, (boiled grains), which appears in the riddle among the Batswana, Basotho (Southern Sotho) and Bapedi.
The Sotho used to eat this dish as they were thrashing grains from the fields. One form of it was also made from beans (linawa) and sorghum (mabele).
The Basotho (Southern Sotho) and Bapedi have the following riddle to describe their cooking:
Sepedi: Baloi ba bina ka legageng ba kgahla dingaka
[witches are singing in the cave]
Answer: Dikgobe (boiled grains)
Sesotho: Baloi ba qabana/bina ka lehaheng
[Witches are fighting/ singing in the cave] Answer: Dikgobe
The above dish, discussed in the form of a riddle in the above example in Sepedi and Sesotho, is also expressed as an idiomatic expression (maele) in Setswana go apaya dikgobe, (to have parted lips in anticipation of crying). This perhaps explains the process of the soft opening of grains as they cook. The Sotho could shift the same concept and practice in various forms of a narrative to express their Sotho outlook and experiences.
Traditional sorghum drinks, like seqhaqhabola and motoho, also demonstrate the Sotho lifestyle among the Basotho (Southern Sotho). The Batswana have ting and the Bapedi have motepo. The Basotho (Southern Sotho) have a form of beer that they call leting, with a variation of a prefix compared to the Batswana sorghum drink ting. Bohobe is also prepared either from maize, which is quite a new food to the Sotho, or their original plant sorghum – mabele. While the Batswana and Bapedi still use this term, the Basotho (Southern Sotho) have decided to call it papa, from the Afrikaans pap (porridge). The Basotho (Southern Sotho) shifted the name of the stiff porridge dish from bohobe to papa in order to mark the arrival and life among the Afrikaners. Bohobe now recedes in their memory.
Basotho (Southern Sotho) have transferred the name to a wheat dish that the English people call bread. This dish is now bohobe in Sesotho. On the other hand, the Batswana and Bapedi have decided to adopt the name “bread” into the Sotho language and call it borotho, indicating that it is a new dish adopted from the British or the English. However the Sotho still mutually understand each other and their way of doing things, e.g. cooking, despite the shift of terms caused by their environment and being influenced by the practices of others whom they meet.
When the Basotho (Southern Sotho) adopted the word papa from the Afrikaans word pap as an additional word to refer to their traditional staple dish bohobe, the word did not change in Setswana and Sepedi. The Basotho (Southern Sotho) still have a mutual understanding of their broad vocabulary and its relationship with other words that were added for the broader conception of a staple food. The Sesotho prepare and call samp made from maize bohojana masatswana meaning bohobe made with little bones.
The traditional sorghum drink has a variety of names, i.e. motoho amongst the Basotho (Southern Sotho), ting amongst the Batswana, and motepo amongst the Bapedi. The Sotho also prepare sorghum beer, boiled grain dishes, milk preparation of dishes, and a staple dish called bohobe as having a connection with the word bohobe from sorghum; these days they also replace sorghum with maize in some of their similar dishes like bohobe. In this way, the Sotho are building new walls on an old foundation that shows their same origin. The Sotho groups have similar cooking methods although the dish may have different references across the Sotho groups.
The serving of bohobe is in the form of dipolokwe in Sesotho or makaku in Sepedi.
These are little round ball servings made manageable for one to bite papa/bohobe. There is also morogo or moroho amongst the three groups– the variation of the same word meaning a vegetables dish. The women or girls go out to gather wild vegetables in the veld. Other chores for women and girls under the tutelage of female elders are grinding grains such as mealies, sorghum or wheat on the traditional grinding stone. Women also sometimes make fire for the homestead and refine a sorghum mixture for motoho on the grinding stone– ho nepola, which is
mphoya in Sepedi.
The Sotho eat similar foods and share similar dishes and ceremonies involving food. Basotho reparation offering” Batswana call it mokete wa Badimo. A person in this kind of celebration would like to thank the ancestors for his/her success or would like to ask for help or forgiveness from the high being through the ancestors. The central food is a slaughtered animal, e.g. a cow or sheep and sorghum drinks and beer are served. Pha-badimo as a tradition practised amongst the Basotho (Southern Sotho). SABC 1 screened the pha-badimo celebration amongst the Bapedi during a programme called Roots. (Southern Sotho) share phabadimo (~mpha-badimo), a “thanks giving.
People of the same origin have the same sense of attachment amongst themselves.
In this case their social dimension testifies that they have the same attachment to mokete wa badimo~ pha-badimo~ mpha-badimo as a way of connecting to the ancestors. They use similar ingredients, utensils and methods of cooking in the preparation for pha-badimo. By the ceremony remaining the same across the Sotho groups and connecting it (phabadimo) to a modern lifestyle like the Mopedi man above, it remains true to the traditional identity of the people, i.e. it does not die according to the primordial theory of ethnicity. It can be modelled according to modern times, as it remains present. The varieties that ensued amongst the Sotho are remodelled on the same tradition to suit the circumstances that the Basotho/Sotho find themselves.
The Bapedi express a pha-badimo in the full sentence mpho ya badimo, not in a contracted form as amongst the Basotho (Southern Sotho), while the Batswana call it mokete wa Badimo, (giving thanks to God and the ancestors). The same collective attitudes amongst the Sotho, such as celebrating success through pha-badimo can easily be described and recognised amongst the three groups.
The above example leaves no question as to their similar origin. An animal had to be slaughtered and cooked and the traditional Sotho beer had to be prepared and served according to Sotho custom. Some beer with some meat was poured onto the ground for the ancestors like mokete wa badimo amongst the Batswana. Before serving, the man mentioned that he is giving thanks to his ancestors for winning the competition. The Sotho even share the proverb reflecting the conjoinment of the ancestors to the people, pha-badimo o ja le bona. They believe that visitors represent the ancestors, thus you have to treat them well by giving them food.
Our African Stories
Western historicism, however, has gradually denied the African an identity, primarily by eulogising its vindictive colonial presence in Africa, with the purpose of creating a cultural superstructure for the West. Through critical analysis and the conversational method, we submit that a balanced reordering of history in a sane manner is quickened when informed African scholars in their various disciplines take up the task of historiography to create their own particular narrative that will provide both the scholarly agenda and its related content, to set the African people on a course of wholesome prosperity.
As research in genetics, archaeology, and linguistics increases, we will know more about early African civilizations. This is not to say, however, that we know little. Linguists have used similarities in language structures to formulate the directional flow of pre-colonial migrations. There are four African linguistic groups (Khoisan, Afro-Asiatic, Nilo-Saharan, and Niger-Congo (commonly referred to as Bantu). Linguistic similarities exist in Bantu languages from Nigeria to Mozambique. Peoples, such as the Zulu, Fang, Shona, Kikuyu, Swahili, Tswana, Herero, and Kongo, all are Bantu language speakers and their languages share similarities in structure, grammar, and keywords. In Africa today there are more than 400 Bantu languages all linked together, similar to the number of European languages derived from Latin. This has led most scholars to conclude that most sub-Saharan Africans came from the same ancestors that migrated throughout the continent from the Niger-Congo area.
Prominent pre-colonial African civilizations were Egypt, Nubia, Ghana, Mali, Carthage, Zimbabwe, and Kongo. In West Africa, the empires of Sudan, Ghana, Mali, and Songhai all flourished. In Southern Africa, Great Zimbabwe emerged as the most complex civilization throughout Southern Africa. In East Africa, plateau regions were suitable for cattle grazing. The dense forests of the Congo Basin, on the other hand, made herding nearly impossible. Other states, empires, and kingdoms dissolved throughout the era. In Central Africa, the Kongo, Loango, Ndongo, and Tio states dissolved by the mid-seventeenth century as economic, military, and political systems shifted due to the slave trade`s impact.
Time To Tell Our Oral Stories
If people were to write their own history to be solely accepted as an ideal, it would not be abnormal for them to do so in their own favour.
The history of the African peoples as documented by Western literature mostly comprises the exaltation of European culture through various stereotypical labelings of African history and culture. In the same vein, most Africans would be tempted to rewrite African history in favour of the cultures/ traditions of the African people themselves.
The first Black Roman Emperor Septimius Severus born in Lybia, Mathematical Out Of Africa (Ethnomathematics).
The Black Athena History, The Great City Of Benin Wall 4 times Longer Than The Great Wall Of China, The Black Muslim Moors from Morocco ruled Spain, Mansa Musa Mali Empire) the First Richest Man on Earth From Mali, Othello the Moors of Venice, The Great Mapungubwe Kingdom, The Great Zimbabwe Kingdom, and many other African Civilization stories.